Периодика / Periodicals: Nationalities Papers
Вышел в свет очередной номер Nationalities Papers, Issue 5, Volume 38, 2010. Номер содержит материалы дискуссии ("форума") о характере взаимосвязей националистического дискусра, популизма и сталинизма в истории России. Участники: Д.Бранденбергер, А.Умланд, Д.Марплз.
Содержание и аннотации некоторых статей номера:
СОNTENTS / СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
Analysis of Current Events
Kyrgyz “revolutions” in 2005 and 2010: comparative analysis of mass mobilization
Azamat Temirkulov
The revenge of the Caucasus: Chechenization and the dual state in Russia
Richard Sakwa
(Post-communist development in Russia has been characterized by the development of a dual state in which the constitutional order is balanced by the consolidation of an arbitrary prerogative state. This horizontal dualism has taken root in Russia's regions; and this is accompanied by the establishment of a form of vertical dualism in relations between the regions and the center. Attempts to overcome this form of segmented regionalism under president Vladimir Putin have been undermined by the development of Chechenization, which represents not only the repudiation of dualism in this republic, but threatens to undermine the precarious balance between the constitutional and prerogative states at the federal level as well. Chechenization has its opponents in Moscow as well and its fate is defined by the struggle between the factions at the center. The process of “separatism without secession” is a highly ambiguous one and reflects broader developments in the Russian state as president Dmitry Medvedev seeks to strengthen the constitutional pillar of the dual state.)
Liberal nationalism, nationalist liberalization, and democracy: the cases of post-Soviet Estonia and Ukraine
Lena Surzhko-Harned
Prince Adam Czartoryski as a liminal figure in the development of modern nationalism in Eastern Europe at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
Paul Brykczynski
(In Polish history, Prince Adam Czartoryski is almost universally regarded as one of the most important Polish statesmen and patriots of the first half of the nineteenth century. In Russian history, on the other hand, he is remembered chiefly as the Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire, and a close personal friend of Tsar Alexander I. How did Czartoryski reconcile his commitment to the Polish nation with his service to the Russian Empire (a state which occupied most of Poland)? This paper will attempt to place Prince Adam's friendship with Alexander, and his service to Imperial Russia, in the broader context of national identity formation in early nineteenth-century eastern Europe. It will be argued that the idea of finding a workable relationship between Poland and Russia, even within the framework of a single state for a “Slavic nation,” was an important and forgotten feature of Polish political thought at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By answering the question of precisely how Czartoryski was able to negotiate between the identities of a “Polish patriot” and “Russian statesman,” the paper will shed light on the broader development of national identity in early nineteenth-century Poland and Russia)
Why is the “KGB Bar” possible? Binary morality and its consequences
Alexander J. Motyl
Tackling tensions and ambivalences: Armenian girls' diasporic identities in Russia
Ulrike Ziemer
Romania is a family and it needs a strict father: conceptual metaphors at work in radical right populist discourses
Ov Cristian Norocel
Debate
Stalin's populism and the accidental creation of Russian national identity
David Brandenberger
(This article argues that the formation of a mass sense of Russian national identity was a recent, contingent event that first began to take shape under Stalin. Surveying the new literature on Russian nationalism, it contends that elite expressions of “Russianness” and bureaucratic proclamations of “official nationality” or russification should not be conflated with the advent of a truly mass sense of grassroots identity. Borrowing from an array of theorists, it argues that such a sense of identity only becomes possible after the establishment of necessary social institutions - universal schooling, a modern army, etc. Inasmuch as these institutions come into being only after the formation of the Soviet Union, this article focuses on how a mass sense of Russian national identity began to form under a rapid and unpredictable series of ideological shifts that occurred during the Stalinist 1930s and 1940s. This article's major contribution is its description of this development as not only contingent, but accidental. Drawing a clear line between russocentric propaganda and full-blown Russian nationalism, it argues that the ideological initiatives that precipitated mass identity formation in the USSR were populist rather than nationalist. In this sense, Stalinism has much more in common with Pernism than it does with truly national regimes.)
Stalin's russocentrism in historical and international context
Andreas Umland
Stalin: authoritarian populist or great Russian chauvinist?
David R. Marples
Nationalist, heretic or populist?
David Brandenberger
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